Wednesday, September 19, 2007

Monuments as Symbols: The Piazza Navona and Berini’s Fountain of the Four Rivers

Mark Shi
Honors in Rome - Summer 2007

Since classical times, the symbol of power and prestige in Rome has been marked principally through the building of great monuments. Monuments gave rich men the ability to publicly celebrate their preeminence, but even more importantly, monuments also ensured that they would be remembered long after they had passed away. Ancient Romans believed you were only truly dead when you were forgotten, so they built monuments to themselves, which can be seen today in and around the Roman Forum; the triumphal arches of Titus and Constantine, Trajan’s column, and the Coliseum all stand as a testament to each of their patrons’ dignified status and desire to be remembered. The papacy took to this tradition of building itself up, as we can see with Julius II, who had made grand plans for his own tomb, which was to be adorned with 50 life-size statues. More often, popes used monuments to exalt the status of their own families, like Urban VIII’s renovations to the Piazza Barberini. When Giovanni Batista Pamphilj was elected into the papacy on September 15, 1644, he was no different from his predecessors and decided to renovate his own piazza in celebration of his family’s triumphal rise to the top.

The Piazza Navona, which held the inauspicious Pamphilj family residence, became the focus of Giovanni Batista’s – now Pope Innocent X’s – renovation plans. The piazza had, at one time, been the Stadium of Domitian, constructed in 86 AD to host Greek-style athletic games for up to 300,000 viewers. Over the centuries, it was transformed into a wide, paved square following the exact perimeter of the ancient stadium, which is most noticeable in the curvature of the current buildings on the north side. Remnants of the old stadium can be seen in the crypt of the church and in the basements of the buildings that line the square. By the time Innocent X was elected into the papacy, the Piazza Navona had served as a daily marketplace for over a century, making it the ideal location for him to erect his monument; it was sure to be seen by everyone. Innocent X was about to turn the wide, empty square into a glorious Pamphilj family monument, creating one of the most beautiful piazzas in Rome.

Innocent X’s first priority was to improve the Pamphilj palace on the south side of the piazza, so that he could show off his family’s status and wealth to important guests. The pope avoided using the famous Gianlorenzo Bernini because the artist had close associations with the previous pope, Urban VIII, who many believed were corrupt. Instead, Innocent X commissioned the lesser known Girolamo Rainaldi to enlarge his palace in 1645, the year after his ascension. Innocent X also consulted Francesco Borromini to help decide the best placement for his sala grande (main room) and to help design his gallery in 1646. When the gallery had been finished, Pietro da Cortona was commissioned to fresco its ceiling. Innocent X was so pleased by the ceiling fresco he offered Cortona an ecclesiastical post to show his gratitude. With a palace worthy of the Pamphilj’s newfound status completed, Innocent X began construction on a new church next door, Sant’Agnese in Agone.

Construction on the adjoining church began in 1652 with Girolamo Rainaldi and his son, Carlo, working together on the project. Sant’Agnese in Agone was dedicated to Saint Agnes, a third century Christian who resisted the advances of the son of a Roman official. She was condemned to death by the Roman official, who had her stripped and martyred in the piazza. As the story goes, after she had been stripped, she prayed until her hair grew so long that it covered her body, preserving her modesty and chastity. The second part of the name, ‘in agone,’ does not refer to the agony of the martyred saint, but instead to the ancient name of the Piazza Navona. Translated literally, ‘in agone’ means “in the site of the competitions,” a reference to the old stadium that the piazza now stands upon. The façade of the church was eventually finished by Borromini in 1670. Because of the narrow width of the piazza, Borromini and the other architects designed the church differently than most other baroque-style churches. The broad horizontals and the cupola rising immediately behind the façade allows viewers standing at any point in the piazza a clear view of the church. It is also important to notice the undulating surface of the façade, a key element of Baroque architecture. This theme is echoed in the columns, which pop out of the plane of the wall, texturing the façade. The curvature of the façade, in addition to the broad openness, appear like arms opened towards the viewer, interacting with them and inviting them to come inside.

In the square itself are two additional fountains on the north and south sides, both sculpted by Giacomo della Porta. The Fontana del Moro, constructed in 1575, is the southern fountain, composed of four tritons with a basin made of rose marble. Bernini carved the central figure, Triton riding a dolphin, which resembles a moor in 1654.The Fontana di Nettuno, also known as the Calderari, was built in 1576 and is the northern fountain adorned by Neptune surrounded by sea nymphs.

The Fountain of the Four Rivers
The main attraction of the piazza is the central fountain, called the Fontana di Quattro Fiumi – the Fountain of the Four Rivers. Originally, the center of the square held a drinking trough for horses, also built by Porta, but Innocent deemed it too simple to glorify the Pamphilj family name. The pope wanted to replace it with a new fountain, grand enough to overshadow the Piazza Barberini’s Triton fountain. Besides Innocent’s own vain desires, a fountain was also required to be the terminal point of the Vergine aqueduct because the previous pope, Urban VIII, never finished construction on the Trevi fountain. So, in 1645, work began on building a costly new conduit from the Trevi to the center of the Piazza Navona where the pope hoped his new fountain would be erected before the jubilee year of 1650.

The pope invited skilled artists to submit designs for a central fountain, but did not extend his invitation to Bernini, who had fallen from favor with the new pope. Besides his close ties with the Barberini pope, Urban VIII, Bernini was also disgraced when his two bell towers in front of St. Peters Basilica had to be torn down, due to structural flaws. Borromini, involved with every other renovation project in piazza was chosen instead to construct this central monument. The pope wanted his fountain to include the obelisk found in the Circus of Maxentius and early sketches from Borromini show the obelisk placed on a high base with low–reliefs of the Earth’s four main rivers on the sides of the basin. Meanwhile, Bernini, with the help of his friend prince Nicolo Ludovisi, nephew of the pope, was scheming a way to ensure himself the commission. Bernini constructed a model of the fountain, made in silver, and gave it to Olimpia Maidalchini, the pope’s overbearing sister-in-law who also happened to be Nicolo’s mother. The model was ‘casually’ placed in a room that Innocent X was sure to pass, so that he would undoubtedly see it. It was then the pope exclaimed that ‘the only way for the works of cavalier Bernini not to be built was by not seeing the project!'

The fountain design by Bernini was far superior to Borromini’s original plan so in April 1647, Bernini was officially given the commission to build the fountain and to begin transporting the obelisk to the middle of the square. In need of financing for his new fountain, the pope enacted a special salt tax, which created discontent among the poorer people during a time of famine. Pasquino, the talking statue often critical of the Pamphilj regime, was reported to have said:

Noi volemo altro che guglie et fontane

Pane, volemo, pane, pane, pane

(It is not obelisk and fountains we want,

But bread, bread, bread)

In 1649, the rocky base, which resembles a grotto, was completed, made of interlocking travertine blocks and decorated with an incredible amount of flora and fauna. The obelisk was also raised in that year, crowned by the Pamphilj dove with an olive branch in its beak instead of the usual cross. On the north and south side of the statue, Bernini put two Pamphilj coats of arms, three fleur-de-lis and a dove with an olive branch, one resting between cornucopias (north) and the other on a shell (south). In 1650, Bernini began work on the four river gods, which were to represent the principal rivers on the four known continents. Africa is represented by the Nile, Europe the Danube, Asia the Ganges and America the Rio de la Plata. Because of pressure from the pope to finish as soon as possible, the four figures were carved by other sculptors, according to Bernini’s design, although, there is no doubt that Bernini had touched up all of them. Bernini himself is said to have carved most of the wildlife we see (the horse, lion, palm tree, crocodile, fish, and armadillo).


Giacomo Antonio Fancelli sculpted the Nile, which is represented by the figure whose head is covered, alluding to the fact that the source of the river had not yet been discovered. Beside him a lion, emerging from the hollow grotto is bowing his head for a drink of water, while a palm tree is being blown by the wind. Both these figures were incorporated to help recognize the Nile river god.

The Ganges was the work of Caludio Poussin, who showed the river god holding an oar, a reference to the navigable waters of that river. The river god is entirely European in appearance and reclines like one of Michelangelo’s ignudo on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. A large sea serpent is wrapped around his oar, helping differentiate the Ganges River.

The Danube, who resembles Michaelangelo’s Moses, points towards the large Pamphilj coat of arms, three fleur-de-lis and a dove with an olive branch, while also gesturing in wonder at the obelisk. Besides him, a horse is protruding from the rock he is seated upon, which helps differentiate him as the river god of the Danube. This figure was carved by Antonio Raggi.

Francesco Baratta’s Rio de la Plata is raising his arm, not to prevent the façade of Sant’Agnese from falling, as is popularly believed, but to protect his eyes. The river god is also shown with a bag of overflowing gold coins, representing the overwhelming wealth found there. Besides him, what should have been armadillo is emerging from the grotto. It appears none of the sculptors were familiar with the animal.


Bernini was unable to finish his fountain by the jubilee of 1650, instead unveiling it a year later, on June 2, 1651. Two widely known anecdotes exist about cavalier Bernini’s presentation of the fountain. When Pope Innocent X came to view the fountain just before its official unveiling, he was pleased to see all the progress that had been done, but was interested to know the soonest possible time the water might begin flowing. Bernini replied by saying, “It takes more time, but I shall serve your holiness with all expedition.” Resigned to wait a little longer, the pope blessed Bernini and proceeded to leave, reaching the end of the piazza when he suddenly heard water cascading from the fountain. The pope was so pleased he said to the sculptor, “Bernini, by giving us this unexpected joy, you have added ten years to our life!”

After the official unveiling, many were in awe, yet again, at Bernini’s abilities. And yet again, jealous rivals were the first to criticize the work, claiming that the support for the massive obelisk, the hollowed out travertine grotto, was too weak. Bernini, ever the showman, returned to his fountain and spent a day observing his creation, apparently considering his rivals’ critiques, until he finally decided the best solution was to tie strings from the top of the obelisk to four nearby buildings. Bernini was confident in his architectural planning, and thanks to his brilliance, it still stands today.


The newly renovated Piazza Navona continued to be a place of congregation. The year after the fountain was finished, in 1652, a tradition of flooding the piazza began. Every Sunday afternoon in August, the drains taking water away from the fountain would be shut and the whole piazza was flooded, which people called the “Largo di Piazza Navona” (Lake of Piazza Navona). Nobles would dress up in their finest clothes and would be led through the piazza in their horse-drawn carriages. The event was also popular with the common people, who would come and play in the cool water. This tradition lasted until 1867, when the ground level in the piazza was raised.

Symbolism:
Innocent X began his renovation project with the intention of building a lasting monument to honor the great Pamphilj family name. The location and the grandeur of the Fountain of the Four Rivers ensured numerous viewers, all associating this impressive work of art with the current pope and his family. But Innocent X also used the symbols in his fountain as a propaganda tool, delivering a clear message to the masses; he wanted everyone to recognize the overwhelming dominion of the church, represented by the Pamphilj, over all.

Pope Innocent X had assumed the throne just after the Thirty Years’ War, with Europe divided between Protestantism and Catholicism. The split greatly weakened the pope’s position of power in European politics and in the world. I think Innocent X recognized his decaying power and used this fountain as a propagandistic tool to win the support of the people, reassuring them that Catholicism remained influential. The first thing a viewer would notice is the obelisk, soaring into the sky. Obelisks were ancient symbols of power, representing rays of sunlight. When they were adopted and incorporated into Christian art, they became divine rays of sunlight. The church used obelisks’ connection to power to show that Christianity was even more powerful. The obelisk in the Fountain of the Four Rivers is topped with the Pamphilj dove – instead of the usual cross – representing the church conquering paganism. In addition, in order to even use an obelisk in Christian art, a ritual was conducted to exorcize them of any evil spirits, reinforcing the idea of the Catholic victory over paganism. The gesturing of the river god Rio de la Plata, who is shown protecting his eyes from the divine light of the obelisk, can also be interpreted as another example of the church’s overwhelming power in the world. At a delicate time in history, the pope needed to win the support of his people and his Fountain of the Four Rivers was meant to show them he was the leader of a still influential religion.

Another way to interpret the Fountain of the Four Rivers is by considering the gestures of the four river gods. Their actions can be viewed as a representation of the current state of Catholicism in the world. The Danube is openly accepting the papal coat of arms, indicating that Europe is the only continent that has been saved by Catholicism, the Nile has his head covered, indicating Africa’s ignorance towards the church, the Ganges is looking away from the fountain entirely, showing indifference to Christianity, and the Rio de la Plata is shielding himself from the light, acknowledging its power but still unable to embrace the church like the Danube has. Pope Innocent X may have been reinforcing the popular opinion of religion in the world through his fountain. By making his fountain appealing to the masses, showing Europeans as the only truly enlightened world citizens, the pope would have gained even more popular support. Innocent X even dedicated the fountain to the people as a public work. Although most evidence indicates that the pope had his own agenda for building this monument, the inscription on the north side suggests that he had nothing but love for his people.
“Innocent X placed the stone ornate with enigmas of the Nile above the rivers that flow here below to offer with his magnificence healthy pleasure to those who pass by, drink for those who thirst, and an occasion for those who wish to meditate.”

If we look closely, we can observe that Bernini’s fountain design has also created the perfect unity of elements. Even though the obelisk represents a ray of sun, it also appears in this fountain as a huge stream of water, shooting into the air. The theme of water is continuously repeated throughout the design of the fountain. We see it in the obelisk, the four river gods, the fish swimming in the basin, and the water itself, splashing into the pool below. We also see the three other elements: Earth is seen in the massive rock holding up the obelisk and also in the immense amount of flora and fauna, Air is blowing the palm tree besides the Nile and Fire is in the form of a ray of sun, the obelisk.

Conclusion:
Pope Innocent X renovated the Piazza Navona to glorify the Pamphilj name. It was not an uncommon practice at the time and it was expected of those who had achieved great power and wealth. Even though the Piazza Navona was built as a monument for Pamphilj vain self-glorification, it was also a political move. It was important to impress foreign dignitaries, important guests and his own common people in order to gain their favor and support. The Fountain of the Four Rivers was built for the pope’s religious goals, encouraging believers by emphasizing the fact that Catholicism was still relevant in the world.

Today, many of the people who pass through the wide piazza do not recognize the history and symbolism that is incorporated into the square and Bernini’s fountain. Instead, the piazza has become a center for entertainment, with different acts appearing every night. On a few of my visits there, I personally saw fire dancers, finger puppeteers, palm readers, and sketch artists fill the square in hopes of earning a few euro from passing tourists. The original intentions and symbolism integrated into the Piazza Navona by Innocent X have been lost, although the square remains, as it as always been, a congregation area for people to come and be entertained.

Personal Thoughts:
When I first saw the scaffolding surrounding the Fountain of the Four Rivers, I was a little disappointed. The flowing water is an integral part of this monument (it is a fountain after all) and adds an important element to the overall structure, giving it life. Without the flowing water, experiencing the fountain and the entire piazza is a little different. The last time I was here, I got the opportunity to see the fountain in action. The flowing water almost looked as if it was helping support the whole structure, like flying buttresses holding up the obelisk. The most ingenious element of the fountain is probably the large fish at the bottom of the basin, its mouth opened wide so that water can flow in and drain away. The sound of the flowing water also adds to the fun, lively atmosphere of the piazza. Seeing the Fountain of the Four Rivers without flowing water is missing part of the experience of the Piazza Navona, making another trip to Rome essential.


Bibliography:
[1] Christian, M. (1986). "Bernini's 'Danube' and Pamphili Politics." The Burlington Magazine 128(998): 352-355.

[2] Gregory, Sharon and David L. Bershad: “Pamphili; (1) Pope Innocent X” Grove Art online. Oxford University Press, July 23, 2007, http://www.groveart.com/

[3] Morton, H.V. The Fountains of Rome. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1966.

[4] Pratesi, Ludovico, and Laura Rendina. Roman fountains by Bernini: the Baroque master. Rome: Fratelli Palombi srl, 1999.

[5] Unknown: "Bernini: (2) Gianolorenzo Bernini, §I: Life and work; (iii) The Cornaro Chapel and the Four Rivers Fountain, 1644-55" Grove Art Online. Oxford University Press, July 23, 2007, http://www.groveart.com/

[6] Hibbert, Christopher. Rome: The Biography of a City. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company Inc, 1985.

[7] “Fontana dei Quattro Fiumi.” Wikipedia. 29 Aug 2007 http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fontana_dei_Quattro_Fiumi

[8] “Piazza Navona.” Wikipedia. 30 Aug 2007 http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fontana_dei_Quattro_Fiumi

[9] Peterson, Theresa. City as Theater: Piazza Navona and the Fountain of the Four Rivers. Honors in Rome Summer 2006. 31 Aug 2007 http://chibitsa.blogspot.com/

Photos courtesy of Julia Troutt. Aqueducts, Piazza Navona and Bernini’s Fountain of the Four Rivers. Honors in Rome Winter 2006. 31 Aug 2007 http://honorsinrome2006winter.blogspot.com/

Il Gesù and the Jesuits: Roman Architectural Legacy

Matt(hew) Richardson
Honors in Rome - Summer 2007

St. Ignatius

The Society of Jesus, better known as the Jesuits, were and are a Christian religious order whose purpose is the defense and furthering of the Roman Catholic faith. Rising from the humble beginnings of one man, Ignatius Loyola, and his six like-minded laymen in 1584, the Jesuits became famous for their passionate and uncompromising support of the Church during the Protestant Reformation. Later, the Jesuits earned fame as far-flung missionaries, traversing the globe for the pope and Christ. Today, the Jesuits are best known for their many schools and universities, still scattered worldwide, educating thousands each year.

St. Francis Xavier 

From the very beginning what set the Society of Jesus apart from other famous church orders and allowed their great success is its specific values and obligations for members. While all Christian priests are required to take the three basic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience to God, Jesuits take a forth vow, one which more than anything else insured the protection and endorsement of the Church over the last half-millennium: loyalty to the pope. Founded in a time when papal loyalty was at its weakest, Jesuits swear to solidarity with the Holy See, a fact that generally affects the favor of most popes. Besides this, Jesuits are instructed to integrate themselves into the societies in which they preach and work, including use of the local dress and language so as to better influence, and some might say manipulate, the as yet impious masses. Additionally, education has always been a focus of the Jesuits, initially to train more effective priests, but also as a service to clients wealthy enough to employ Jesuits to instruct their children. This instruction has historically been a major source of Jesuit revenue, as teaching provided both a source of immediate income through the tuition fees, but more importantly by creating benefactors who, when rich and powerful, are tied to the Society of Jesus through their upbringing. These aspects of the Jesuit order, namely their papal loyalty, flexible cultural practices, and educational background, have contributed over the centuries to making the order the enduring and effective organization that it is.

Beyond these values, the Jesuits also benefit from a very streamlined hierarchy and organization within their Society, an advantage not enjoyed by most priestly orders, which generally operate within inward-looking monasteries where prayer and study are the focuses of priests. Jesuits are expected to be active engagers of the community in which they live. Jesuits live in special communal houses called “colleges,” each of which is run by an appointee. That appointee reports to the head of his “province” (local parish or region), who then reports to the “General,” the title of the man elected to lead the organization. This system of clear hierarchy and accountability mean that Jesuits are well distributed and very effective in their regions, as they are observed and placed in order to be so. From its inception the Society grew very quickly because of this organized effort to be effective. By the time of Loyola’s death in 1556, there were almost 1000 Jesuits, this just 22 years after the seven founding men had taken the first oaths. 70 years later there were 15,000.

However, for the purposes of modern travelers to Rome, the Jesuits have had a more specific impact on the city and its history. During the first period of Jesuit development mentioned above, the period of the Catholic Church’s Counter Reformation, the then very young Jesuit order provided a leadership example of decisive action against the Protestant crisis, revitalizing the Catholic Church and halting the flight of ever more believers from the faith. The Jesuits achieved this by repackaging the message of the Church to observers in a more appealing fashion. Some of their most powerful practices were the use of religious art and architecture, both found in the new Jesuit churches, always the central point of local Jesuit activity.

The first, largest, and most archetypal Jesuit church in the world is Il Gesù in Rome. Construction began in 1568, just 12 years after the death of Loyola. The building was far enough along to be consecrated 16 years later in 1584, but the final incarnation of the chapels as well as the decoration of the interior continued until 1683, almost a century later. The philosophy behind the church’s design developed greatly in this time, taking on new focuses, but through that period Il Gesù was an innovative and trendsetting Church, one which still draws attention today.


But before discussing Il Gesù it is important to note that while the Jesuits did have specific characteristics and goals, maybe even taste, in their art and architecture, there were many other forces at work in their building plans. The Jesuit General Congregation issued as official policy in 1558 that there would be no central church design to which congregations could look for inspiration in their own buildings, and this was because local Jesuits were expected to appropriate the local norms so as to better appeal to new populace (though final designs, in keeping with the order’s rigid hierarchy, must be okayed by the General), and so there was no way to impose a uniformity in art or architecture in all place Jesuits operated, nor was this a goal of the order. But besides these unavoidable local influences on Jesuit art, the order was also dependent on rich patrons to finance their activities, and the taste of these wealthy donors was an important determiner of Jesuit art. Even today the Society is run largely with donations, but this was especially pronounced in the Society’s earliest years.

As one approaches Il Gesù, the first portion one sees is its façade. It is, to say the least, an inconspicuous design in comparison to many contemporary churches in Rome. It lacks major ornamentation, being graced with few statues, and has no ostentatious colors or pattern work on display. The observer is faced, basically, with a large white wall. This wall is composed of two orders and toped by a triangular pediment. This façade, though perhaps not immediately striking (at least to the architectural layman) was both new and innovative in its own time, with its characteristics becoming standard for the then just emerging Baroque era. Its obvious mix of vertical and horizontal lines, its two orders and triangular pediment are mainstays of Baroque taste and style. Important to note is also the name scrolled across the façade, a dedication providing the few words adorning the building’s face: the Farnese. In recognition of the papal family that sanctioned their order and financed the building’s construction, this name lacks no prominence on the façade.

As one enters the church and encounters the nave, more burgeoning Baroque appears. The anthrex of the building is short, so one is almost immediately in the nave. This central passage is wide and tall, especially for churches of the time. The nave’s size was achieved by eliminating the usual side aisles of the church, as well as extending the curve of the vault upward into an unusual barrel shape. Additionally, the paired Corinthian columns lining the nave minimize the peripheral space usually occupied by side-aisles. All of these size restrictions play a specific role in the church, as they help focus attention in the building by eliminating distractions and naturally drawing interest of viewers. This subtle manipulation is integral to the goals of the Jesuits, which will be explained later. This room, interestingly, also displays the history of the order and the pressures put upon it when one knows the building’s story. Original Jesuit designs for Il Gesù called for a flat wooden roof, but the Farnese family dismissed this plan during design selection, and as they held the purse strings, no objection could be made. At this point in their history, the Society of Jesus was still quite new and as a result poorly funded, hence the modesty of their designs. It was the rich aristocratic family that provided the means for the Jesuits to operate as effectively and on such a large scale as they did in the church.

At the nave’s end one sees Il Gesù’s commanding apse. This cove is far larger than most church designs of the time, and it was designed so for specific effects. The apse could be very well lit, a difficult task in a time before electrical lighting, and the large space provides a structure which can be manipulate acoustically on a scale suitable for such a large church. One a visual level, the Corinthian pilasters of the apse are arranged such that they seem to step forward and then back to the viewer. This mimics an undulating movement, which not only increases the apparent size of the space but also obscures and distracts one’s vision, allowing a build-up to the apse. The effect of this build-up was increased markedly later in Il Gesù’s life, as the apse was drastically remodeled after its first construction. The art in the apse was originally quite austere, but precious and colorful marbles were added in great quantity in the 19th century.

The last aspect of Il Gesù bearing mention is its chapels, which are a clear departure from preceding Renaissance norms. In addition to the framing side aisles being removed, the church remodeled the basic chapel design. Rather than existing as separate prayer entities, Il Gesù has three interconnected chapels to either side of the nave. These chapels are not recessed as much as would generally be expected in a church of its size, which prevents visitors from becoming sidetracked in their movement up the nave toward the high alter. The chapels are also interconnected, which also facilitates movement forward, as well as provides for movement of priests in the church during ceremonies, without their having to disturb the presumably engaged listeners. These chapels are poorly lit, once again minimizing their distractive powers. The transept of Il Gesù, rather than serving as a large individual area of the church were parishioners might leave the central nave, has arms that are very short (most sources are inclined to use the word “stubby”). Unlike many Renaissance churches where the transept takes on a powerful and encompassing aura, Il Gesù’s transept arms are almost walls of the nave, also poorly lit, but unlike the chapels leading up them, very important to the church, as will be shortly explained. Lastly, two chapels are also built into the sides of the apse, but these are of no particular note, and are somewhat clumsily sequestered in the church’s corners. They were, in fact, not even a part of the building’s initial design, but were actually changes imposed by the Farnese family, trying to increase the area of the church and so also, presumably, its impact and importance.


But besides the architecture of the building itself, perhaps the most defining characteristic of Il Gesù is the art within it, the art framed and emphasized by the structure’s particular design. The sculptures, frescos and paintings in the church are famous not only in their individual value as art, but also as archetypes of the Jesuit order’s global aesthetic presence, as well as a keystone representative of Baroque style.

In keeping with their tendency to organize and coordinate plans and operations, the artwork in Il Gesù as well as other Jesuits churches displays an unusual amount of planning. All of the artwork in the church interrelates and plays off of other pieces with remarkable clarity, functioning as an artistic whole, not only in terms of progression of scenes, but also in terms of morals and lessons. It is appropriate to say that the varied paintings and sculptures in Il Gesù speak to one another with clarity most churches lack. This continuity was a specific aim of the Jesuits, one well maintained, because even when the original images on the vault, apse and chapels were painted over in 1678 and the years immediately following it, care was taken to preserve the thematic continuity of the building’s art. Other non-Jesuit churches had, of course, long before learned to tie moral lessons and figures together in their frescos and paintings, but the high level of premeditation and complete interrelation was new when Il Gesù was constructed and decorated.

Beyond their coordination, the works commissioned for Il Gesù were conspicuously new and innovative in their time, both in their themes and in their technical execution, both of which would come to be called what was the emerging Baroque era. It is important to understand, though, that the new artistic direction illustrated in Il Gesù was not an expression of the order’s taste per se, but rather another example of their molding to the society at hand. Intent on influencing people the best they could, the Jesuits simply employed the best artists to do the best work they were able to. By specifically seeking out the best of the best and encouraging them to experiment, the Jesuits incidentally employed the most innovative artists of the time. Modern literature credits the Jesuits with a great deal of impetus in the development of the Baroque sensibility, but one should understand that this was a cultural development facilitated by the order, not created by them. Their main church became the spearhead of the emerging Baroque standards, but that was simply the means to an end for the Jesuits, their goal of religious influence and persuasion was the end that justified these artistic endeavors.

In terms of theme and technique, the works in Il Gesù display a significant departure from the goals of the Renaissance. Spectacle and mystery were the name of the game, a theatricality that was previously absent in mainstream art gained a clear presence. Whereas previous art might present a still-struck saint in the act of inspiration or death, that same saint would now have outstretched arms and a gaping mouth. A saint nailed to the cross was now the saint being raised to the cross, thus inviting the viewer to complete the story mentally, engage it with one’s own imagination. In terms of technique, there was also a development away from the Renaissance. The bright backgrounds of that era’s paintings were gone; the dark mysterious unknown was painted behind the images on new church walls and vaults. Renaissance Michelangelo’s “David” stood at ease, while the “David” of Baroque Bernini was in mid-motion, throwing the stone to kill Goliath. These differences are technical as well as thematic, as figures in motion replace those at ease.

Despite their flexibility in how art was presented, however, the Jesuits did have specific goals for their art commissions, and the symbols and messages conveyed in their varied artistic approaches are quite standardized. Foremost in these symbols is the name “Jesus.” His name was not nearly as prominently used prior to the focus that the Jesuits applied to it. Il Gesù is, in fact, the first church in Rome to be named for Jesus, and invocation of the name is always prominent in Jesuit art and decoration. Indeed, the letters “IHS” are seen, not exclusively, but certainly very prominently in Jesuit churches. These letters, an abbreviation for the Greek spelling of Jesus, can be seen from any place in Il Gesù. So while the manner in which symbols were presented was not so important to the Jesuits, the fact that they were seen was the primary aim.

The destruction of heresy is also a constant theme running through Jesuit art. As an organization born during the crisis of the Protestant Reformation, the stamping out of heresy is omnipresent in Jesuit art. As the founders of the Jesuit order, Ignatius Loyola appears often in Jesuit art as the defender of the faith against heresy and destroyer of the evil of disbelief. He was made a saint in 1622, but veneration (as well as the art representing and encouraging it) was produced even before papal blessing. Loyola is particularly often and strongly represented, usually bald, bearded and in black robes, a commanding figure in the act of defending Christendom and destroying the threats to the Church.

The glorification of missionary martyrdom is also a powerful theme running through Jesuit art. As an order sent to every corner of the globe to further and defend the Catholic Church, the Jesuits made sure that their sacrifice and hard work was evident, appreciated, and gloried in their churches. Lofty men in exotic locals, generally converting natives, are a mainstay in Jesuit art. The other main founder of the Jesuit order, and second only to Loyola, is Francis Xavier, also sanctified in 1622, and his death on an island off the Chinese coast provided a perfect example of this Jesuit activity. He is usually presented at the moment of death, reclined in some wild and dangerous place, protected and accepted by God for his deeds in a shower of divine light and amidst a crowd of angles.

And lastly, the Jesuit order was particularly inclined to positively display all aspects of the Church opposed by the new Protestant churches in its art. Angles, the saints, images of heaven and hell, the Madonna, the pope, and the act of the Eucharist were all prominently and gloriously presented in Jesuit art, in keeping with their mission of retarding the growth of Protestantism. While all of these figures were used in previous art pieces outside the Jesuit order, they also experience a period of falling out of favor, as Catholic churches experimented with Protestant ideas of rejecting these images in order to keep hold of the faithful. It was the Jesuits who really encouraged their use as tools of inspiring lay believers, and it was largely this effort that maintained these powerfully Catholic concepts through the Protestant crisis.

Initial painting of Il Gesù was the work of the emerging but unestablished artists Giovanni de Vecchi and Gaspare Celio and their crew. While remnants of their work remains, it is the art produced later in the church’s life that really draws attention today, especially the vault that was repainted by Giovanni-Battista Gaulli, who frescoed the Triumph of the Name of Jesus, which one still sees there. This glowing representation of Jesus’ name (IHS) is one of the most powerful symbols in the entire building, covering the long barrel-vault above all the attendees. Gaulli also frescoed Il Gesù’s dome and the semidome above the apse, where the Adoration of the Mystic Lamb commands the attention of those looking toward the alter. Gaulli, a then just beginning artist, was given the rare opportunity of painting such a prominent work through his endorsement by Bernini, again illustrating the Jesuit tendency to employ the new and best artists of the day, but also to obey the recommendations of those already prominent and in power.

The painting directly behind the high alter is the Circumcision of Jesus, an event of particularly great importance for the Jesuits and their veneration of Jesus, as this was the first instance of his spilling blood on earth, hence its prominent placement in Il Gesù. This painting also illustrates again the importance of patronage in the Jesuit commissioning art, because while the Jesuit leadership predetermined the subject of the painting, the painter Girolamo Muziano was given the job because of his long connection with and continued favoritism from the Farnese family. And though his work was well received upon completion, it owes its existence to the influential patronage used to finance Jesuit art.

In Il Gesù’s stubby transept, there is even more stunning art awaiting the viewer. These large coves originally held dedications to the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus but were later remodeled to serve as spaces for the veneration of those two most famous Jesuit saints, Loyola and Xavier. Particularly Loyola’s cove impresses the visitor, with its large glinting silver statue of the saint, flanked by smaller figures to either side, one of which is a particularly striking cherub ripping up an apparently heretical text, while the other side displays glorified missionaries, a work with the title: Faith Crushing Idolatry. This place houses the relics of Loyola, including his ashes, and is certainly one of the most impressive parts of the church. The side dedicated to St. Xavier is probably most interesting for holding the skeletal arm of St. Xavier, as well as a painting of the saint surrounded by Chinese natives who are decorated with the wildly inaccurate feathered headdresses, the inspiration for which is still unclear. Interestingly, in another Jesuit church in Rome, S. Andrea al Quirinale, Xavier is painted alone on a simple bed, exemplifying the diversity of Jesuit artistic commissions. Though the theme of the paintings was clearly provided in both cases, the execution was left up to the artist, thus allowing for markedly different works of art.

The interconnected chapels running along the nave are also key in the Jesuit presentation within Il Gesù. They represent the stages of salvation, moving from its inception, then to fulfillment, and culminating in its perpetuation. These chapels, painted in the Mannerist school, are perhaps the least well received and remembered of the church’s art pieces, probably because of their stylistic divergence from the otherwise very Baroque décor dominating the building, as well as the general lack of emphasis placed on chapels in Il Gesù and other Jesuit churches.

Lastly, a visitor to Il Gesù is struck by the impressive stuccos by Antonio Raggi and Leonardo Reti between the cornice and windows. These stuccos are some of the best such work in the Baroque period, and in looking at them one can see the seed of many such repetitions, which spring up throughout the period. Though neither as commanding nor dramatic as the nave’s ceiling or transepts sculptures, these stuccos are also a small but worthwhile piece of Il Gesù’s contribution to the Baroque style.

(The Triumph of the Name of Jesus)

Though the intentions of the Jesuits with all these architectural and artistic innovations has been eluded to and partially explained before now in this paper, it is important to contextualize these projects with their desired function and eventual purpose that the Jesuits saw in them. Loyola wrote in his book Spiritual Exercises, and instructive text used by all Jesuits for their spiritual work and inspiration, that one should imagine holy scenes to stimulate prayer. Loyola had the specific aim of causing others to visualize holy events and dwell on them. He wanted people to tell to themselves the story in their own minds, imagine it in their own way internally so as to better ingrain Christian beliefs and encourage personal faith. The theatricality and engaging nature of Jesuit art is therefore important, because it means that Jesuit art should imply rather than tell an entire story. By leaving people hanging they are encouraged to continue the moralistic story being told to them, and in doing so think about the story.

This goal makes sense not only though the obvious goal of bringing Christianity more into the lives of the faithful, as would logically be the goal with any priestly order, but also it makes particular sense within the Jesuit historical context. In a time of crumbling papal and Catholic authority, perceived as riddled by corruption, many people were turning to Protestantism or away from the Church in general. Loyola and the Jesuits sought nothing less than the revolutionary revitalization of the Catholic faith. By causing people to think about the Catholic stories and beliefs so prominently and invitingly displayed in their churches, the Jesuits engaged people in a way and to an extent that they hadn’t been before, and that was the reason places such as Il Gesù were decorated at such cost and with the most able and innovative painters. Those who questioned the faith were intentionally being drawn back in.

This focus on engaging the church’s visitors wasn’t confined to the sculptures and frescos and paintings, though. The very design of Il Gesù was contrived to gain, focus, and maintain the attention of those present. The apse of the church is larger than most churches preceding it, because the acoustic properties of both its semicircular cove and the central nave are powerful distributors and amplifiers of the preacher’s voice and available lighting, making him visible and audible to the entire church. This was an essential aspect of Il Gesù’s design, because in keeping with their efforts to engage people, the Jesuits were known for their fiery and rousing sermons. This meant that all those in Il Gesù and churches like it were surrounded by the spectacular images and voices of the Jesuits. They were entertained and educated at the same time. By piquing the listener/viewer’s interest with exciting stories, the Jesuits hoped to grab back the attention, faith, and so souls of their observers.

And, it must be said in conclusion, the Jesuits were very successful in their goals - their efforts were in no way idle or misplaced. The Counter Reformation was a powerful success, stunting the growth of Protestantism at the Church’s expense. Though the Jesuits certainly weren’t the only force at work in support of the Counter Reformation, they were certainly the spearhead of the movement’s growth. Their reinforcing of orthodox Catholic belief (rather than aping Protestant ideas) in a reformulated message was extremely effective in regaining lost support for the Church.


Of course, Catholicism was also meaningfully reformed at this time as well, and many of the most offensive practices of the Church (such as the infamous indulgences that so angered Martin Luther) were forbidden, but the Jesuit influence in saving Catholicism cannot be denied. It was the leadership of the Society of Jesus that revitalized Rome and the Church, halting its moral decline. And indeed, their success is evident even today, long after the conclusion of the Counter Reformation. The Jesuits were reprimanded officially by the pope for their overly conservative practices in the 1700s when the European religious wars were passed and the Counter Reformation waned. Still, the design of their churches, particularly Il Gesù, are found all over the Catholic world, defining Baroque architecture. And the other practices of the order, the missionary and educational work, continues meaningfully into our time, where thousands and thousands are educated and cared for by Loyola’s men every day. Il Gesù stands now not only as a still well attended church, but also a monument to this truly effective force of Catholic believers.

Bibliography:
Bailey, Gauvin A. “The New Jesuit Historical Encyclopedia.” The Catholic Historical Review. Vol. 89, No. 3 (July 2003), pp. 530-535.

Chiesa del Gesu Official Website. September 20, 2007. www.cheisadelgesu.org.

Haskell, Yasmin Annabel. “Between Renaissance and Baroque: Jesuit Art in Rome1565-1610.” Parergon. Vol. 23, No. 1 (2006), pp. 133-135.

Martin A. Lynn. “The Jesuit Mystique.” Sixteenth Century Journal. Vol. 4, No. 1 (April 1973), pp. 31-40.

Nadal, Jerome and Thomas Buser. “Early Jesuit Art in Rome.” The Art Bulletin. Vol. 58, No. 3 (Sep., 1976), pp. 424-433.

Turner, Jane Ed. Grove Dictionary of Art. USA; Oxford University Press, 2003.

Willert, P. F. “The Jesuits and the Renaissance.” The English Historical Review. Vol. 2, No. 6 (Apr., 1887), pp. 336-338.

Bernini’s Piazza di San Pietro

Melissa Horton
Honors in Rome - Summer 2007

Piazza di San Pietro is the main entrance to the St. Peter’s Basilica, the mother church of the Catholic religion. Just like St. Peter’s Basilica, Piazza di San Pietro is just as commanding and grand in its design. The piazza functions to welcome pilgrims in to the motherly arms of the church.

Alexander VII was the pope behind the creation of Piazza di San Pietro. His original name was Fabio Chigi, and on April 7, 1655 he was elected Pope and took the name of Alexander VII. He took the name from another pope that was also from Siena and who had worked hard to keep the papacy strong (Krautheimer 12). Before Alexander became a cardinal he was an envoy for Pope Innocent X at the conference of Munster in 1648. At the conference the Treaty of Westphalia was signed which ended the 30 years war. As a result of the conference much of the papal political power was lost, and the Papal States were relegated to a “minor position among European powers” (Krautheimer 12). Alexander believed that the “papacy towered both temporally and spiritually over all secular kingdoms” and he “never overcame the Trauma of Munster” (Krautheimer 12). He has since strived to regain the power that was lost as a result of the Treaty. This desire for power can be seen in his building projects.

Alexander in particular loved architecture. Much of his papacy was defined by his building projects and he was affectionately called, “il papa di grande edificazione” (Marder 126). He spent much of the papal finances on widening streets, correcting and clearing squares, finishing off façades, and of course Piazza di San Pietro. He wanted to “raise Rome to the grandeur it held in ancient times” and beautify Rome (Krautheimer 12). Piazza di San Pietro was one of Alexander’s most magnificent projects. The Piazza is also said to be a “reconstruction of the Neronian circus” (Kruft 800). Many of Alexander’s building projects were done on roads that pilgrims who were traveling to St. Peter’s would pass through. One the pilgrim reached Rome he would enter into the Piazza del Popolo and would eventually end up in Piazza di San Pietro (Krautheimer 138). The building projects were meant to show the power and strength of the Catholic religion to all of those who came to Rome. On all of the buildings and squares that Alexander built or finished he attached his coat of arms. However, because of all of his building projects he left the papal finances in near ruin (Kruft 800). Nevertheless, Alexander truly changed the face of Rome.

On the day of his election, Alexander commissioned Bernini to design Piazza di San Pietro. Alexander and Bernini had all ways been friends. They both shared the philosophy that “princes must build grandly or not at all” (Marder 123). Bernini had also worked for Urban VIII and Innocent X before Alexander and did much of the work on St. Peter’s Basilica. In 1629, Bernini was given the title Reverenda Fabbrica, or Architect of St. Peter’s by Urban VIII. Alexander also spoke to or about Bernini at least three times a month during his papacy (Marder 123). All of this made Bernini the logical choice for designing the square.


Bernini started work on the piazza in 1656 and it lasted until 1667. Bernini’s first design for the square was trapezoidal. After a while he switched to circular, than square, and finally to an oval shaped design, which is what we see today. The piazza is also considered to be in the shape of an elliptical and has a central obelisk. The square measures 1,115 feet by 787 feet.
Bernini had many problems that he had to consider when designing the piazza. First, the piazza had to hold the maximum number of people for mass which meant that the piazza had to be very large. Secondly, the maximum number of people in the square had to be able to see the pope when he blessed them during the Loggia della Benediction from St. Peter’s Basilica. Third, the maximum number of people in the square had to be able to see the pope from the papal apartments, located on the northern side of the piazza, for when the pope blessed the pilgrims. Bernini was also told that part of the square had to include areas that were covered in the square for the many processions that take place at St. Peter’s. These areas had to provide relief from the sun and shelter from storms. The piazza also had to incorporate the obelisk that was slightly to the right of the axis of the Basilica’s façade. Also the original entrance to the Vatican had to be retained. Nevertheless Bernini was able to design a piazza that successfully worked with all of the considerations and problems.

As a result of all of the problems and considerations it took two years for Bernini to plan the piazza. As he was designing the piazza he also had to work with the Fabbrica di San Pietro, which was a group of cardinals who oversaw everything that was done to St. Peter’s including the square. They often complained about his designs. Since Bernini design would most likely require demolishing buildings they wanted two-story colonnades, with the second story providing apartments. However, Bernini rejected this idea and stuck with the one-story colonnade design that we see today. When Bernini’s final design was unveiled it was criticized because in order to build the square the Cibo and Cesi palaces as well as the Penitenzieria had to be demolished. The cardinals were worried that when the foundations were dug it would cause malaria and make the Borgo and Vatican uninhabitable (Krautheimer 70). The cardinals’ main concern however, was the cost of building such a grandiose square that was just for show. The plague had struck Rome the year before and Alexander had spent a lot of his money on other architectural projects and so the papal finances were low. When Bernini presented the transverse oval plan to the Congregation he credited the pope with the invention. Alexander defended Bernini’s design (Krautheimer 70). He said that the piazza would relieve some of the congestion of the streets because it could be used as a parking lot. Alexander also believed in providing jobs for the poor rather than giving arms, and the construction of Piazza di San Pietro would provide many jobs for the poor. The elliptical shape was commissioned by Alexander on August 28, 1656. Five days later, Bernini presented Alexander with the final sketch and that is the transverse oval plan is what we see today.


On August 28, 1671 the first stone of the piazza was laid. For the foundation ceremony Alexander had a medal struck. The medal shows the third colonnade that was never built. When Bernini originally designed the square it was to be composed of three colonnades that wrap around the square. Unfortunately, in February of 1667 Alexander became very sick and was also worried about the papal finances. So rather than building the third arm he had the piazza paved. Alexander died a few months later. The third colonnade played a major role in the intention of the design of the square. With the third colonnade in place, pilgrims traveling to the square would not be able to see the façade of St. Peter’s. They would have to first walk through one of the colonnades and be wrapped in the motherly arms of the church before they could gaze upon Maderna’s façade.

Before Alexander died he saw the first two colonnades of Bernini’s design. Work began in the square in 1658 with stone coming from Tivoli and Monertondo. In 1659 work on the Northern colonnade began and was finished in 1662, while the northern corridor axis that went to the Scala Regia started in 1663 and was completed in 1666. In 1660 work on the Southern colonnade began and was completed in 1664. The southern corridor was not completed until after Alexander died. As a result the southern corridor contains the coat of arms of Clement IX. It is the only other coat of arms in the piazza other than the Chigi coat of Arms for Alexander.

The square that we see today is Baroque in style and constructed from bearing masonry and cut stone. It contains a central obelisk, two identical fountains, and two colonnades. The red granite obelisk was moved to the square in 1586 under the orders of Sixtus V, and was the first element of the piazza. 16 days after it was erected Sixtus exorcised the pagan cross and placed a cross on the top. The next element that was added was the fountains. Pope Paul V instructed Carlo Maderna to built two twin fountains for the piazza. The southern fountain was completed in 1613 by Maderna. The northern was finished sixty years later in 1673 by Bernini under the pontificate of Pope Clement X, since Pope Alexander VII died in 1667.


The main element of the square is the two colonnades that encircle it. The colonnades are made up of 284 Doric columns. Each colonnade has 88 pillars, is four rows deep, and has an Ionic entablature. The entablatures support 140 travertine statues of saints and martyrs, and are surmounted by a balustrade. The saints are 12 feet tall and 96 of the 140 were designed by Bernini. The other 44 were created more than 20 years later after Bernini died during the reign of Clement XI in 1700-1721. As the saints and martyrs look down on visitors in the square, their active poses and presence turn them into “actors and audience for the oval theater space” (Marder 145). On the western portion of the northern colonnade the statues are of the saints of the Early Church. The eastern range supports female saints and male founders of religious orders. On the southern colonnade higher ranking men can be seen on the western portion of the colonnade, while newer saints are seen on the eastern side. The “saints compose a heavenly gathering over the space dominated by the obelisk, which is a symbol of triumph over death at the site of St. Peter’s tomb” (Marder 145). The 140 saints add to the extravagant design of Piazza di San Pietro.The colonnades are similar to ancient Roman porticoes. The four rows form three pathways much like the ancient porticoes did (Marder 136). The central pathway was designed for carriages while the side passages were meant for pedestrians. The pathways were created to provide shelter from the sun and from storms. The colonnades are also surmounted by gigantic coats of arms of Alexander VII, which display the mountains and the oaks.

The columns also “work to be the motherly arms of the church that stretch out to receive Catholics, so as to confirm them in their faith, heretics to reunite them with the church, and infidels to enlighten them in the true faith” (Scribner 98). The colonnades work to provide a nurturing enclose that protects all those who enter into the piazza.


The colonnades also serve to fix the excessive width of Maderna’s façade. When Bernini designed the colonnades he kept them as low as possible at 52 feet and also extended them horizontally against the façade. Because of this the colonnades “optically correct the excessive width… and make it appear taller” (Scribner 98). Originally the façade was to have two large bell towers. Bernini built one of the towers under Urban VIII. However, the ground was too instable and the tower had to be demolished. Also since the façade has slender Corinthian columns, Bernini chose the “simple, sturdy, Tuscan order for the columns of his colonnades to contrast with… and accentuate” them (Marder 126). Bernini worked hard to fix Maderna’s mistake.

The colonnades also contain three different inscriptions written by Alexander. The North West inscription and the southern inscription “invites the beholder to ascend to the mountain of the Lord to worship in his holy temple” (Marder 143). The North East inscription refers to the function of the colonnades as “secure” protection against inclement weather. The furthest south inscription reads 1661 and refers to Alexander as Pontifex maximus.

Piazza di San Pietro is a combination of three different piazzas. The first is the Piazza Retta. It is located immediately in front of the St. Peter’s façade and is shaped like a trapezoid with the bottom part widening into the ellipse. The Piazza Retta rises towards the church and the ascension is accelerated through the stairs. The colonnades also do not meet the façade in a right angle. All of these in turn function to make the façade appear narrower. The second is Piazza Oblique. The piazza is an oval arranged on an axis that is perpendicular to the main orientation of the Basilica. The obelisk defines the center of Bernini’s design while the fountains on either side develop the lateral dimensions of the layout. The design in turn creates spatial tension (Zucker 4). Also the piazza appears to be an ellipsoid through the pattern in the pavement, but it was actually constructed as two half circles with a rectangle located between them. The pattern seen in the pavement had not only 2-D importance but 3-D as well. The spikes radiate from the obelisk and tie together the colonnades, fountains, and the obelisk, forming the image of a flat shell (Zucker 5). The third is Piazza Rusticucci. Its main function is to collect and direct visitors to Piazza Oblique. However, due to the lack of funds at the end of Alexander’s life Piazza Rusticucci was never brought into artistic shape.


The piazza that was constructed in 1648 was designed to address the three roads that lead towards it. Also at this time only two small narrow paths led from the Tiber River to St. Peters. Pilgrims traveling on one of these paths would come upon the square suddenly, and the “vast piazza in front of St. Peter’s came as a surprise, as an unexpected explosion of space” (McClendon 39). So in 1936, Mussolini decided to link the piazza to the Tiber River with a large road. However, the Via della Conciliazione was too grand, and was detrimental to the feel and function of Bernini’s design. In particular the illusion that St. Peter’s façade was actually taller and narrower that was created by the colonnades was ruined. The illusion only works in the piazza and so with the large road, pilgrims could see the wide façade from far away.


In 1950, two arms were built at the end of the road to narrow it in an attempt to recapture the effect of the optical illusion. If Bernini’s third colonnade had been built the two arms added in 1950 would have not been needed. Bernini originally had planned for a large road to connect the Tiber River to the piazza since the area where the road is now was crowded with buildings and that is why his design included three arms.

The colonnades of Piazza di San Pietro also play with the light that passes through their columns. As one views the columns, the “sunlit columns nearest the viewer in the piazza gradually fade into darkness row by row in three installments” (Marder 134). Also “behind the light bathed in brightness the shafts fall into progressively deeper shadow,” and you also get a “flickering effect of solid and void, light and dark” (Marder 134). Finally the “rows of columns closest to the viewer pass the eye more quickly than the rows behind it, so the visual impact is stereoscopic: the more distant rows appear to move backward as the line of columns in the front moves forward” (Marder 134). The Piazza too plays with the viewer. The Basilica seems closer than it really is so it feels like it takes longer to cross the piazza. This long journey is like a pilgrimage and prepares the pilgrims for entering the holy church. Also is the viewer stands on of the two circles located on the axis that connects the fountains to the obelisk, the columns on one side of the colonnade perfectly line up, so the view can only see a single set of columns.

Piazza di San Pietro is said to be one of Alexander’s and Bernini’s grandest accomplishments. It is said to have the “ideal relationship between space and movement to the artists of [the] late baroque” (Zucker 3). The piazza is often compared to the ancient Roman amphitheaters and in particular the coliseum (Scribner 98). This refers back to the idea of Alexander building up Rome to its past glory.

Bernini did an incredible job building a piazza that was exceptionally large and grandiose without taking away from the splendor of St. Peters. Piazza di San Pietro is considered to be one of the greatest Baroque architecture works. It works to welcome in pilgrims into the nurturing arms of the church. The piazza is also the entrance to St. Peters and displays the incredible papal power and wealth that Alexander had.


Works Cited
Bergere, Richard and Thea Bergere. The Story of St. Peter’s. New York: Dodd,
Mead and Company, 1966.

Hibbert, Christopher. Rome the Biography of a City. London: Penguin book,
1985.

Krautheimer, Richard. The Rome of Alexander VII 1655-1667. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1985.

Kruft, Hanno-Walter. "The Origin of the Oval in Bernini's Piazza S. Pietro." The
Burlington Magazine 121(1979): 796-801.

Marder, T.A.. Bernini and the Art of Architecture. New York: Abbeville Press
Publishers, 1998.

McClendon, Charles. “The History of the Site of St. Peter’s Basilica, Rome.”
Perspecta. 25 (1989): 32-65.

Scribner III, Charles. Bernini. New York: Harry N. Abrams, INC., 1991

Zucker, Paul. "Space and Movement in High Baroque City Planning." The
Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 14(1955): 8-13.

Tuesday, September 18, 2007

The Villa Farnesina

Susie Lu
Honors in Rome - Summer 2007

Introduction
Walking along the Via della Lungara passers by may catch a glimpse of a large seemingly rectangular structure known as the Villa Farnesina. The lower walls patched with hues of organey-browns and tan-pinks, surround clean cut rows of windows along the upper and lower floor. A bold cornice outlines the roof and marks a dark angular line into the Roman sky. The villa sits happily, within sight of the Tiber River. Its central location in Trastevere, places the villa at the heart of Rome. A wealthy Sienese banker, Agostino Chigi, commissioned the structure in the early 1500s originally naming it Villa Chigi. Today it is known as the Villa Farnesina due to a purchase made in 1581 by the Farnese family who later renamed it. The building, designed by Baldassarre Peruzzi, began construction in 1506 and finished in 1511. Villas have played a large role in Italian society and the Italian Renaissance. The interesting placement of this countryside villa in urban Rome amplifies its purpose as a place of entertainment and fun. This paper will describe the physical attributes of the villa, its function, and the goals of the patron.



Physical Description
Chigi commissioned a fellow Sienese architect and painter, Baldassarre Peruzzi, to build his villa. Peruzzi also knew extensive astrology and studied under Bramante and Raphael. The villa was built between 1506 and 1511 but continued to have the interior decorated until about 1519, and some parts still remained unfinished at that time.

Exterior
The Villa Farnesina radiates harmony in its clean architecture. A well achieved balance between symmetry and elegance coats the simple proportions. The cross section of the building is a square and the main section, excluding the wings, combines two squares. The two-square proportion repeatedly occurs in the dimensions of doors and windows throughout the villa except in the attic and the mezzanine. Floor plans reveal a typical U-shaped blueprint. That characteristic coupled with the garden setting, open loggias, and painted decoration strongly categorize this building as a villa.

Monochrome frescos originally covered the exterior of the building. Rather accurate speculations hypothesize the outdoor frescos continued nature themes along the exterior thus enhancing the overall theme and purpose of the building. The painting style imitated Roman marble reliefs and gave the building the feel of an ancient monument. The décor along the top has pairs of cherubs holding up festoons of flowers and fruit. These combined properties added more interaction with the impressive gardens, hazed the difference between outside and inside and created a ‘vision of earthy paradise.’

Interior
Chigi’s reputation as a patron of the arts, his connections with artist and his large sums of money resulted in an unforgettable cast of painters to work on the interior of the villa. The extensive crew included the architect Baldassarre Peruzzi, Sebastiano del Piobo, Giovanni da Udine, Giulio Romano, Il Sodoma and Raphael. The interior truly screams with pagan images, an abrupt change compared to most pieces of the time. Four main rooms show the beauty and grandeur of the villa. Each has a different character and ambiance reflective of the main artists. Discussion will follow the order of commission (and the order when visiting the villa), the Sala di Galatea, the Loggia di Psyche, the Sala delle Prospettive and the Sala di Sodoma.

Sala di Galatea
Walking into this room presents the viewer with an intricately decorated space full of character. Gold and blue hit one’s eyes to grab attention and to show wealth. Blues in the ceiling’s sky present the most striking color of all. Painted and designed by Peruzzi in 1511, the style appears somewhat two-dimensional and resembles the transition from Medieval to Renaissance art. One must remember the central archway on the garden side held the original entrance to the previously open loggia. As a result, upon entering the ceiling panels would be facing the ‘right’ direction.


Most sections of the ceiling are covered by a figure in human form that represents a celestial sign. It contains ten spandrels, fourteen severies and two central panels. Peruzzi chose to fill the spandrels with zodiacal signs. The numerical limitation forces him to pair four of them Aries with Taurus and Libra with Scorpio. Seven planets are carefully placed within these spandrels. The severies contain other constellations. Starting with Altar in the panel directly opposite the viewer, from the original entrance, to the left we find the Lyre, the Arrow, the Dolphin, the Bird or Swan, Pegasus, the Triangle, and the River Eridanus. To the right of Altar we have the Northern Crown, the Crater, the Hydra, the Dog, the Ship and the Charioteer. The two main ceiling panels feature, on the left, Perseus about to decapitate Medusa, with Fame, or possibly Virgo, flying to the right of them, and on the right, a representation of the constellation Wain driven by Cyunosura or Helice.

Many scholars have questioned and analyzed the significance of the ceiling. Most believe the placement of the figures allude to the birth date of Agostino Chigi. Planets follow a very precise pattern. Thus the specific placement of the seven planets in the spandrels marks the date of either November 29 or 30 in the year 1466. The main contributors to the dating are Moon’s movement behind Virgo depicted by Virgo and Luna sharing a spandrel.

Scholars have also question the reasoning behind the figures in the severies. One theory uses the writings of Aratus’s Phaenomena and Manilus’s Astonimica. These texts were available to Peruzzi at the time. They indicate which celestial signs rose and set during the ascension of each zodiacal sign. We find all eleven of the stated associated signs in the fourteen severies along with two other stars, Pegasus and Eridanus. These two were placed in the positions according to their relationship with other stars in the real sky. The final severy contains Altar. It touches Chigi’s sun sign of Sagittarius. With the added information in the severies, the time of his birth is cut down to a 24-hour span from noon 29 November to noon the next day. The final piece of information comes from the two panels. If a North South line is drawn by placing the Chariot/Bear in the north part of the ceiling and Perseus in the south, the time that the stars of the constellations in the panels line up are from 9:20 to 11:00 pm. Meshing all the components together, the ceiling in its entirety represents a one and a half hour window on the night of November 29 in 1466. Not only was Baldassarre Peruzzi a talented artist and architect, he also proved to be an exceptional astrologer. Support for this theory also comes from Baptistry archives in Siena of the birth of Mariano Chigi’s son at 21 ½ hours on 29 November 1466. Although the intricacies of this ceiling are quite exquisite, Peruzzi’s genius often gets overshadowed by the more realistic, detailed, humanized paintings of Raphael. One wall fresco shows Raphael’s contribution to this room.

The wall frescos as a whole feel disconnected, because the series of paintings planned for the walls were never completed. The Triumph of Galatea painted by Raphael in 1512, shows one of the few secular paintings during his career. Set in the ocean with a blue cloud-spotted sky, the main figure in the painting is Galatea known as “she who is milk-white”. She twists her torso to the right as a red cover billows in the wind following the flow of her hair. Three cherubs fly above with their bows strung with arrows. A fourth cherub sits behind a cloud and observes with a mischievous expression. Below, Tritons blow horns and one in the foreground grabs at a sea nymph. In the mythological story, the Nereid Galatea falls in love with a peasant farmer Acis. The Cyclops Polyphemus also falls in love with Galatea and kills Acis with a boulder out of jealousy. Galatea then turned his blood into the river Acis. The painting depicts when Galatea reaches a state of godliness or, apotheosis. The bright colors, decorations and form, seem inspired by Michelangelo. Polyphemus, painted by Sebastino del Piombo sits gazing in the panel to the left of Raphael’s fresco. These two paintings side by side show the two differing schools of art. The rest of the paintings on the walls are landscapes added in the 17th century.


The story of Galatea plays off love and desire, a theme repeated throughout the villa. Some scholars suggest it represents Agostino’s love life, when chasing a woman he could not have. This room impressively ties the heavens, earth and sea through the astrological ceiling, the open loggia, and the tale of Galatea.

Loggia di Psyche
This magnificent loggia, designed by Raphael and mostly painted by his crew of helpers in 1518, shows a spectacular amount of skill. Originally the main villa entrance presided here and the room was an open loggia. The walls imitate realistic architectural form using light and shadow to trick viewers with illusion. Nature plays an important role through the abundance of vegetation in the festoons outlining the ceiling and its partitions, and the illusion of sky along the top and semi-circle lunettes. The fruit and vegetables have an enormous amount of detail, many of which were modeled after the variety of exotic and well maintained plants in the glorious gardens. The color scheme in this room feels very cool. The pinkish shades of skin tone pop out from the ceiling and the interplay between the characters shows a mastery of space and expression.

The ceiling depicts of story of Amour and Psyche as narrated in Apuleius’s Golden Ass. Legend has it, Psyche was the most beautiful child of King Anatolia. Jealous of her, Venus (Aphrodite) asks her son Cupid (Eros) to pierce Psyche with a golden arrow so she would fall in love with the ugliest man on earth. He agrees but falls in love with her instead. The two marry, but Psyche upsets Cupid. Advised by the gods, Psyche sets out to regain Cupid’s love through service. She eventually asks Venus for aid. Venus orders Psyche to perform a series of near impossible tasks. With the aid of others she completes enough for Cupid to forgive her. He flies to Mount Olympus and asks Jove to help save Psyche from the last task. Jove does and during a formal council declares his approval of the marriage between Cupid and Psyche. Later, Cupid fetches Psyche and she drinks immortalizing Ambrosia. The two have a child named Volupta (Bliss or Delight) and Venus and Psyche reconcile.

The entire ceiling focuses around the dramatic love story full of courtship, danger, jealously and pleasure. The two main panels show the Council of the Gods and the Marriage of Cupid and Psyche. Along the sides of the ceiling, Raphael depicts other portions of the story. The beginning panel shows Venus pointing downwards while discussing her plan with Cupid. This room clearly carries the themes of nature and love in a very pagan manner. Raphael successfully intertwines the characters and the style of painting while following more realistic and 3-dimensional Renaissance art.

Sala delle Prospettive
The name of this room works perfectly. The side frescoes, designed and painted by Baldassare Peruzzi, depict columns going into the distance. Agostino commissioned him in 1519. When standing in the center of the room, the columns follow perfect perspective. Painted with detail, they imitate dark veined marble. They present an architectural foreground to the countryside background that builds on the illusion of nature within the villa. These views conveniently tie in the traditional villa scene because villas were usually built in the suburbs. The continuation of the floor into the fresco emphasizes the illusion and carries the viewer out. Divinities reside above the doors and windows and a frieze of mythological scenes line the ceiling. The forge of Vulcan has a fitting placement on the northern side, above the fireplace. Deeply coffered squares tile the ceiling and give the room a sense of depth. This room clearly plays on illusions of space and successfully engages the viewer to peer out and interact with nature.

Sala di Sodoma
This room is also known as the Agostino’s bedroom and was commissioned in 1519. Walking in, the walls are completely frescoed. The coffered ceiling depicts scenes from mythology, again showing more pagan references. The most eye-catching aspect of the room is Sodoma’s Marriage of Alexander and Roxanne. Roxanne twists her body as she gazes to the outstretched hand of Alexander. Cherubs occupy a large portion of room along the top of the fresco and within. A few even tug at Roxanne’s limbs. The paintings on the side show people in battle and heading towards the marriage. Stairs leading into the fresco draws in and interacts with the viewer. The reoccurring theme of love and drama clearly presides in this room. Many believe the marriage scene reflects Agostino’s third marriage to Francesca Andreazza. His martial ceremony, performed by Leo X, actually took place in the Villa Chigi. Thus, the frescoed theme of marriage and love properly define the private bedroom as a place of their union.

Function
The Villa Farnesina truly embodied its purpose of entertainment. Agostino Chigi used this building for parties, formal dinners, his wedding, theatrical performances and more. The amount of money and time put into the villa shows how ostentatious Chigi felt about showing his fortune. Agostino Chigi would serve dinner guests on lavish plates of silver. To demonstrate his abundance of money to his company, he would order his servants to toss the silverware out of the windows and into the Tiber after their meals. Secretly nets in the water caught the pieces of eatery and eventually made their way back to the villa.

Architectural choices by Peruzzi emphasize the theatrical purpose of the building. Peruzzi alludes to the function by using Vitruvian authority. Vitruvius explains the design of Roman theatre through arithmetic ratios. Lower stories should have pedestals and an entablature respectively one third and one fifth the height of its columns while upper storey pedestals have half the height and columns have three fourths the height of their lower level counterparts. Peruzzi followed the advice with exactness.

In the early 1500s, theatrical events adapted to their environment not the other way around. The u-shape, and open Loggia di Psyche creates an ideal enclosure for performances. At the time, a raised stage flanked the two wings to line the loggia. Actors entered from the room’s openings. Thoughtfully, the frescoes in the Loggia di Psyche just cover the ceiling while the paintings on the walls restrict themselves to architectural and patterned designs. This made setting changes and backdrops easier to create and adapt to during performances. Illusionary perspective and Muses carrying tragic and comic masks along the walls continue the theatrical implications upstairs in the Sala delle Prospettive.

Goals of the Patron
The goal of creating a building to function as a location for entertainment, partying and showing the wealth of the Chigi family definitely succeeded. In addition, bringing nature into the building presents another major goal when building a villa. At first glance the exterior is lined with an abundant amount of windows, allowing natural light in and connecting the rooms to nature as much as possible. Furthermore, the two loggias were originally open. Not only would that add more light, but sweet smells from the garden and even insects and animals had access to the rooms.

The Loggia di Psyche served as the original entrance into the villa. Observing the ceiling, one can see the impact of nature on the fresco. A thick festoon of leaves and a variety of fruit follow the architectural space along the spandrels and ceiling panels. This matches the frieze on the exterior. The earthly colors and background of blue sky incorporate the outside in. Even the semi-circle lunettes above the walls have painted windows with a fictitious outdoor view. The large vertical panels of windows facing the garden flood the room with daylight. Upstairs, the Sala delle Prospettive creates an illusion of countryside views as one gazes at the frescoes and past the columns. The distant horizon generates a feeling of space and infinity. In Sala di Sodoma, Alexander and Roxanne’s courtship is in a covered area, but effort was made to continue the story outdoors on the side frescoes, and in the background of the main fresco. Nature clearly impacted the villa as a major theme throughout the entire building.

Conclusion
The Villa Farnesina houses art from some of the most prominent figures of its time. Each room tells a different story as one can only imagine the splendor and extravagance Agostino Chigi must have experienced when entertaining guests in his new villa.

After the Chigi sold the building to the Farnese family, the Farnese made plans to connect it by bridge with the Palazzo Farnese. Building began but never completed. In later centuries the Bourbon of Naples owned it, and the Spanish Ambassador in Rome. Today the Italian state has used it for the Accademia dei Lincei and the Gabinetto dei Disegnie dell Stampe. The harmonious architecture, meaningful proportions, innovative and eye-catching frescoes swimming in pagan themes of nature and love will attract passers by and art fanatics for many years to come.

Bibliography
D’Ancona, Paolo. The Farnesina Frescoes at Rome. Italy: Edizioni Del Milione, 1956.

Janick, Jules and Paris, Harry. “The Cucurbit Images (1515-1518) of the Villa Farnesina, Rome.” Annals of Botany 97 (2006): 165-176.

Jones, Mark. “Palazzo Massimo and Baldassare Peruzzi's Approach to Architectural Design.” Architectural History Vol. 31 (1988): 59-106.

Markschies, Alexander. Icons of Renaissance Architecture. New York: Prestel, 2003.

Quinlan-McGrath, Mary. “The Astrological Vault of the Villa Farnesina Agostino Chigi’s Rising Sign.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes Vol. 47 (1984): 91-105.

Quinlan-McGrath, Mary. “The Villa Farnesina, Time-Telling Conventions and Renaissance Astrological Practice.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes Vol. 58 (1995): 53-71.